Though English reciprocals are generally prohibited from appearing as subjects in finite clauses (e.g. *The men wondered if [each other] left.), subject reciprocals are in fact permitted a systematic set of finite wh-clauses (e.g. The men knew where [each other] lived). While such constructions have been noticed in previous literature, they have often been set aside as marginal. On the basis of survey data, I argue that this characterization is mistaken, and that so-called wh-reciprocals are well-formed for many speakers.

I further claim that wh-reciprocals are licensed by covert quantifier raising, which allows embedded subject each other to move closer to its antecedent than its surface position would suggest. This claim is supported by some (limited) parallels between wh-reciprocals and the distribution of wide-scope each NP in embedded clauses.